The French elected Picot as French High Commissioner for the soon-to-be-occupied territory of Syria and Palestine. The British appointed Sykes political chief of the Egyptian Expeditionary Force. On April 3, 1917, Sykes met Lloyd George, Curzon and Hankey to receive his instructions on the matter, namely to keep the French on their side as they pushed towards a British Palestine. First Sykes in early May, then by chance, Picot and Sykes visited the Hejaz together in May to discuss the agreement with Fayçal and Hussein. [55]166 Hussein was persuaded to accept a formula that the French of Syria would follow the same policy as the British in Baghdad. As Hussein believed that Baghdad would be part of the Arab state, he was finally satisfied with this. Subsequent reports from participants expressed doubts as to the exact nature of the discussions and the degree to which Hussein had actually been informed of the Sykes-Picot conditions. [61] In his introduction to a symposium on Sykes-Picot in 2016, law professor Anghie notes that much of the agreement entrusts "trade and trade agreements, access to ports and the construction of railways." [50] Loevy made a similar point with respect to sections 4 to 8 of the agreement, recalling that the British and French practiced "Ottoman colonial development" as insiders and that this experience served as a roadmap for subsequent war negotiations. [51] While Khalidi examined the negotiations of Great Britain and France in 1913 and 1914 on the Homs-Baghdad railway line, as well as their agreements with Germany, in other regions, as a "clear basis" for their subsequent spheres of influence under the agreement. [52] In accordance with the agreement, France should exercise direct control over Cilicia, the coastal strip of Syria, Lebanon and most of Galilee, up to the line that stretches from northern Acre to the northwest corner of Lake Galilee ("blue zone").

To the east, in the Syrian hinterland, an Arab state ("Area A") should be created under the protection of France. Britain should exercise control of southern Mesopotamia ("red zone") and the area around the acre-Haifa bay in the Mediterranean, with right rights to build a railway from there to Baghdad. The area east of the Jordan River and the Negev desert south of the road, which stretches from Gaza to the Dead Sea, has been attributed to an Arab state under the protection of the United Kingdom ("Area B"). France`s "blue zone" in the area that includes the Sanjak of Jerusalem and extends southward to the line from Gaza to the Dead Sea, should be under international administration ("brown zone"). The agreement thus helped to frame the contours of modern nation-states in a region where there were none before.

The French elected Picot as French High Commissioner for the soon-to-be-occupied territory of Syria and Palestine. The British appointed Sykes political chief of the Egyptian Expeditionary Force. On April 3, 1917, Sykes met Lloyd George, Curzon and Hankey to receive his instructions on the matter, namely to keep the French on their side as they pushed towards a British Palestine. First Sykes in early May, then by chance, Picot and Sykes visited the Hejaz together in May to discuss the agreement with Fayçal and Hussein. [55]166 Hussein was persuaded to accept a formula that the French of Syria would follow the same policy as the British in Baghdad. As Hussein believed that Baghdad would be part of the Arab state, he was finally satisfied with this. Subsequent reports from participants expressed doubts as to the exact nature of the discussions and the degree to which Hussein had actually been informed of the Sykes-Picot conditions. [61] In his introduction to a symposium on Sykes-Picot in 2016, law professor Anghie notes that much of the agreement entrusts "trade and trade agreements, access to ports and the construction of railways." [50] Loevy made a similar point with respect to sections 4 to 8 of the agreement, recalling that the British and French practiced "Ottoman colonial development" as insiders and that this experience served as a roadmap for subsequent war negotiations. [51] While Khalidi examined the negotiations of Great Britain and France in 1913 and 1914 on the Homs-Baghdad railway line, as well as their agreements with Germany, in other regions, as a "clear basis" for their subsequent spheres of influence under the agreement. [52] In accordance with the agreement, France should exercise direct control over Cilicia, the coastal strip of Syria, Lebanon and most of Galilee, up to the line that stretches from northern Acre to the northwest corner of Lake Galilee ("blue zone").

To the east, in the Syrian hinterland, an Arab state ("Area A") should be created under the protection of France. Britain should exercise control of southern Mesopotamia ("red zone") and the area around the acre-Haifa bay in the Mediterranean, with right rights to build a railway from there to Baghdad. The area east of the Jordan River and the Negev desert south of the road, which stretches from Gaza to the Dead Sea, has been attributed to an Arab state under the protection of the United Kingdom ("Area B"). France`s "blue zone" in the area that includes the Sanjak of Jerusalem and extends southward to the line from Gaza to the Dead Sea, should be under international administration ("brown zone"). The agreement thus helped to frame the contours of modern nation-states in a region where there were none before.

The French elected Picot as French High Commissioner for the soon-to-be-occupied territory of Syria and Palestine. The British appointed Sykes political chief of the Egyptian Expeditionary Force. On April 3, 1917, Sykes met Lloyd George, Curzon and Hankey to receive his instructions on the matter, namely to keep the French on their side as they pushed towards a British Palestine. First Sykes in early May, then by chance, Picot and Sykes visited the Hejaz together in May to discuss the agreement with Fayçal and Hussein. [55]166 Hussein was persuaded to accept a formula that the French of Syria would follow the same policy as the British in Baghdad. As Hussein believed that Baghdad would be part of the Arab state, he was finally satisfied with this. Subsequent reports from participants expressed doubts as to the exact nature of the discussions and the degree to which Hussein had actually been informed of the Sykes-Picot conditions. [61] In his introduction to a symposium on Sykes-Picot in 2016, law professor Anghie notes that much of the agreement entrusts "trade and trade agreements, access to ports and the construction of railways." [50] Loevy made a similar point with respect to sections 4 to 8 of the agreement, recalling that the British and French practiced "Ottoman colonial development" as insiders and that this experience served as a roadmap for subsequent war negotiations. [51] While Khalidi examined the negotiations of Great Britain and France in 1913 and 1914 on the Homs-Baghdad railway line, as well as their agreements with Germany, in other regions, as a "clear basis" for their subsequent spheres of influence under the agreement. [52] In accordance with the agreement, France should exercise direct control over Cilicia, the coastal strip of Syria, Lebanon and most of Galilee, up to the line that stretches from northern Acre to the northwest corner of Lake Galilee ("blue zone").

To the east, in the Syrian hinterland, an Arab state ("Area A") should be created under the protection of France. Britain should exercise control of southern Mesopotamia ("red zone") and the area around the acre-Haifa bay in the Mediterranean, with right rights to build a railway from there to Baghdad. The area east of the Jordan River and the Negev desert south of the road, which stretches from Gaza to the Dead Sea, has been attributed to an Arab state under the protection of the United Kingdom ("Area B"). France`s "blue zone" in the area that includes the Sanjak of Jerusalem and extends southward to the line from Gaza to the Dead Sea, should be under international administration ("brown zone"). The agreement thus helped to frame the contours of modern nation-states in a region where there were none before.

The French elected Picot as French High Commissioner for the soon-to-be-occupied territory of Syria and Palestine. The British appointed Sykes political chief of the Egyptian Expeditionary Force. On April 3, 1917, Sykes met Lloyd George, Curzon and Hankey to receive his instructions on the matter, namely to keep the French on their side as they pushed towards a British Palestine. First Sykes in early May, then by chance, Picot and Sykes visited the Hejaz together in May to discuss the agreement with Fayçal and Hussein. [55]166 Hussein was persuaded to accept a formula that the French of Syria would follow the same policy as the British in Baghdad. As Hussein believed that Baghdad would be part of the Arab state, he was finally satisfied with this. Subsequent reports from participants expressed doubts as to the exact nature of the discussions and the degree to which Hussein had actually been informed of the Sykes-Picot conditions. [61] In his introduction to a symposium on Sykes-Picot in 2016, law professor Anghie notes that much of the agreement entrusts "trade and trade agreements, access to ports and the construction of railways." [50] Loevy made a similar point with respect to sections 4 to 8 of the agreement, recalling that the British and French practiced "Ottoman colonial development" as insiders and that this experience served as a roadmap for subsequent war negotiations. [51] While Khalidi examined the negotiations of Great Britain and France in 1913 and 1914 on the Homs-Baghdad railway line, as well as their agreements with Germany, in other regions, as a "clear basis" for their subsequent spheres of influence under the agreement. [52] In accordance with the agreement, France should exercise direct control over Cilicia, the coastal strip of Syria, Lebanon and most of Galilee, up to the line that stretches from northern Acre to the northwest corner of Lake Galilee ("blue zone").

To the east, in the Syrian hinterland, an Arab state ("Area A") should be created under the protection of France. Britain should exercise control of southern Mesopotamia ("red zone") and the area around the acre-Haifa bay in the Mediterranean, with right rights to build a railway from there to Baghdad. The area east of the Jordan River and the Negev desert south of the road, which stretches from Gaza to the Dead Sea, has been attributed to an Arab state under the protection of the United Kingdom ("Area B"). France`s "blue zone" in the area that includes the Sanjak of Jerusalem and extends southward to the line from Gaza to the Dead Sea, should be under international administration ("brown zone"). The agreement thus helped to frame the contours of modern nation-states in a region where there were none before.